Page 382 - The Rough Guide to Myanmar (Burma)

380 CONTEXTS History
THE NAMING DEBATE
Controversy has long surrounded the use of the names Myanmar versus Burma, starting in
1989 when the military government renamed the country Myanmar. the military argued
– albeit on rather shaky linguistic and historical grounds – that Burma was an inaccurate
name foisted on the country during colonial times, deriving from “Bamar” (the name of the
majority ethnic group). they contended that “Myanmar” was not only historically and culturally
more accurate, but also more politically inclusive as well.
Aung san suu Kyi’s NLD steadfastly opposed the change, however, arguing that the
unelected military regime had no right to unilaterally rechristen the entire country. the UN
(along with many countries including France and Japan) recognized the new name, although
some governments (including the UK and UsA) followed the NLD’s lead and continued to refer
to the country as Burma. As such, the use of either Myanmar or Burma was based less on
reasoned historical, linguistic and cultural grounds than as a badge of support for either the
military or their NLD adversaries.
Emotions surrounding the competing names have cooled significantly since the democratic
elections of 2015, with entrenched resistance to the name Myanmar fading rapidly. the UsA
(for example) have now recognized the name change (Barack obama diplomatically referred
to the country as both Burma and Myanmar during his historic 2016 visit), while Aung san suu
Kyi herself has begun using the name Myanmar in public speeches.
As such, the whole Myanmar-versus-Burma debate is beginning to feel a bit like yesterday’s
news, especially when you realize that the two names actually spring from the same
etymological roots.

of her Yangon house to anyone who would listen, is now an increasingly reclusive and
authoritarian presence from her new home in the generals’ city of Naypyitaw, never
giving interviews to the Burmese press, and only rarely speaking to carefully selected
international media.
Economically, the country continues to boom. Foreign investment reached almost $10
billion in the year ending in March 2016, while national growth is predicted to rise at
over eight percent over the coming year or two, with Myanmar’s per capita GDP ($5480)
now above those of Laos and Cambodia – although still way behind neighbouring
Thailand ($16,130), despite the country’s plentiful natural resources. Needless to say,
much wealth remains concentrated in the hands of a few, particularly businessmen
associated with the former military regime, and rural poverty remains widespread. Life
expectancy (just over 66 years) is also higher than in Cambodia and Laos, although again
the average Burmese dies eight years younger than their Thai counterparts, while a fifth of
the population still lacks adequate drinking water and sanitation. Tourism is also
booming, bringing millions of dollars into the country, although visitor numbers remain
concentrated in a disproportionately small number of areas, with economic benefits yet
to be felt by the population at large. The still-unresolved future of the hugely
controversial Myitsone Dam (see p.349) – and, indeed, general relations with China
(which, during the days of the generals, tended to regard Myanmar as a convenient
natural resource) – is another of the major issues to be faced in the coming years. To what
extent a booming economy and the cult of The Lady herself succeed in masking deeper
economic, democratic and humanitarian ills remains to be seen – and with elections not
due until 2020, the NLD at least have time on their side.

2010 onwards 2012–13 2015
USDP introduces wide-ranging Anti-Rohingya riots in Rakhine and anti- NLD wins landmark
economic and political reforms Muslim riots in Meiktila and elsewhere democratic elections

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