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94                                               Johan Saravanamuttu

                  e ectiveness in the state, due to a clutch of welfare-oriented populist policies,
                  reassured voters after the removal of former Menteri Besar Khalid Ibrahim;
                  third, PKR  institutions,  policies,  and  programmes  enhanced  performance
                  legitimacy; and,  nally, UMNO showed poor leadership, had a poor past
                  record, and had no apparent leader to take over the state.  us, that PKR
                  prevailed in Selangor can be said to have been path-dependent.
                     Chart 5.4 shows the impact of three-cornered contests among PH (PKR
                  and Amanah), BN (mainly UMNO), and PAS. About 70 per cent of the PH
                  victors received half or more of the popular votes. In three-cornered  ghts in
                  the state, PAS was likely to have eroded BN’s voter-support base, such that
                  neither party was able to achieve 50 per cent voter support in any seat.
                     Chart 5.5 shows how the three-way Malay vote split bene ted PH and
                  eroded UMNO support, while in icting the largest hit on PAS in Malay-
                  majority seats.  e outcomes in these two state constituencies show that
                  UMNO could still win those seats with a high percentage of Malay voters,
                  such as Sabak Bernam. However, that PAS eroded UMNO support probably
                  helped PH in Sungai Besar.  e contest in the large Chinese-majority seat of
                  Seri Kembangan in Chart 5.6 shows the hopelessness of the MCA’s situation.
                      e extraordinary outcome in Johor is underlined by the fact that it was
                  the birthplace and bastion of UMNO and boasted hitherto uninterrupted BN
                  success. PH’s victory was a major rupture along the historic path of BN state
                  control, launching the coalition onto a phase of reformist politics in this state.
                  UMNO’s collapse saw an unprecedented swing of voters to PH. UMNO won
                  only 17 seats, MIC 2, and PAS 1.  e MCA was wiped out in a state in
                  which they had previously provided the most signi cant Chinese presence to
                  BN. In large part, this comprehensive defeat was due to the sacking of Johor
                  leader and former deputy president Muhyiddin Yassin over his questioning
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                  of 1MDB, plus the fact that Najib’s name had become toxic in the state.
                  Mahathir and the appeal of Bersatu no doubt contributed to UMNO’s losses,
                  as did the FGV scandals and woes of FELDA settlers.
                     UMNO’s humiliation was symbolized by UMNO veteran Shahrir Samad’s
                  defeat in the Johor Baru parliamentary seat and the defeat of incumbent
                  Menteri Besar Khalid Nordin in both his state and parliamentary seats.  at
                  Malaysian voters living in Singapore, many of whom voted in Johor, did not
                   nd it so di cult as voters coming from farther a eld to vote on a Wednesday
                  may have been another factor contributing to the anti-BN vote swing. My
                  hypothesis is that Johor has basically adopted the Selangor template of PH
                  victories in mixed seats, although PH also won seats with middling Malay
                  majorities. In contrast to Selangor, PAS strength is even more minimal in this
                  state.  is outcome is evident in Chart 5.7.





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