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Youth in the Politics of Transition in Malaysia              133

                  to approach youth or students.  e Islamist party had already long-previously
                  established a cadre system on campus, where its proxy student wings, Gabungan
                  Mahasiswa Islam Se-Malaysia (GAMIS, Pan-Malaysian Muslim Students’
                  Association) and Persatuan Mahasiswa Islam (PMI, Muslim Students’ Union),
                  had consistently participated in campus elections.  ese campus organisations
                  were guided by an uno cial committee acting as liaison with the Youth wing
                  of PAS, Dewan Pemuda PAS.
                     At that time, several non-party organisations actively carried out civic
                  education among youths. Among them were Komunite Seni Jalan  Telawi
                  (KSJT, Telawi Street Arts Community), formed in 2003, and the Middle
                  Eastern Graduate Centre (MEGC), formed in 2007. Although both of these
                  organisations are not directly under the in uence of any political party, they
                  are part of Institut Kajian Dasar (IKD, Institute for Policy Research), which
                  is closely linked to PKR. IKD is a think-tank established in 1985 under the
                  auspices of former Malaysian deputy prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim, whose
                  subsequent ouster sparked Reformasi. It is widely known for its intellectual
                  endeavours and participation in the policymaking process.
                     While other organisations were also important—especially non-
                  governmental organisations (NGOs) such as Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM,
                  Voice of the Malaysian People), Pusat Komunikasi Masyarakat (KOMAS,
                  Centre for Popular Communications), and Aliran Kesedaran Negara (Aliran,
                  National Consciousness Movement)—KSJT and MEGC were among the  rst
                  groups focusing systematically on political education for Malay youths after
                  Reformasi.
                     After Reformasi ‘failed’ to bring down the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN,
                  National Front) and its lead component party, the United Malays National
                  Organisation (UMNO), after two general elections,  IKD realised that more
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                  e ort was needed outside electoral politics, especially to advance discourses
                  of democracy among Malays. Malay youths became their focus. While KSJT
                  focused on  culturally  critical  issues,  MEGC focused  on  promoting  more
                  progressive interpretations of Islam among Malays. Some of the key persons
                  in KSJT and MEGC had formal Islamic-education backgrounds.  eir
                  resemblance to the roles of the nationalist Kaum Muda (Young Faction) during
                  the 1940s added a tinge of romanticism and made KSJT and MEGC more
                  appealing to Malay-Muslim youths.
                     After the 12th general election in 2008, which saw opposition parties’
                  snatching control of  ve states and coming together as Pakatan Rakyat (People’s
                  Pact, PR), these political-education training programmes began to mushroom,
                  becoming more structured and organised. MEGC and IKD, both sponsored






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