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Women in Malaysian Islamist Politics 179

wrong for her to try and act like one. Her duty was to ‘do good’ (mengamalkan),
to give her audiences the right example, and to talk about ‘what she knew best’,
referring to her status as an educated professional. When I asked her what she
meant by ‘being an example’, she said: ‘I should not be harsh (kasar). I have to
be careful not to raise my voice’—although she agreed that ‘of course’ it was
necessary for a politician to raise her voice occasionally. e challenge was to
avoid the use of a voice that ‘entices’ (menggoda). As a politician and a Muslim
woman, she was to cultivate a voice that was ‘soft yet rm’ (halus tapi tegas).
is was a phrase I heard time and time again in my conversations with female
popular preachers. us, although Mariah took care not be mistaken for an
ustazah, when it came to public speaking, she practiced similar norms.
e development of a female professional persona, these anecdotes show,
is riddled with tensions centred partly on the ustazah as a ‘ gure of Malaysian
modernity’. Let me explain this further by comparing Dr Mariah to her allies.
7
Together with Dr Lo’ Lo’, Mariah spearheaded a progressive faction within
Muslimat PAS that sought to empower women within the organisation.
ey were joined by Siti Zailah Yuso , who was elected as an MP in Rantau
Panjang, Kelantan in 2008 and who became the head of the women’s wing in
2011, as well as Mumtaz Md. Nawi, elected as an assemblyperson in Demit,
Kelantan in 2004. Zaireeni Azmi (2016; 2017) has written in detail about these
women, their struggles, and the ways in which they shook up the Muslimat
way of campaigning. Su ce it to say here that their achievements included
securing a stronger role within the party and more nancial and other forms
of autonomy, the establishment of intra-party initiatives focused on providing
welfare to women (called Nisa’ ) and training for female political talents (called
Ameerah), as well as an ongoing and forceful advocacy for female leadership and
candidacy during elections. Together, they formed a smoothly running team.
Zailah, as the head of Muslimat, toured the country to maintain relations with
local chapters and speak to, and sometimes out against, the party’s in uential
ulama. Mariah and Lo’ Lo’, less focused on cadres and divisions, built on their
professional skills to discuss policy, strategize with allies within the opposition,
and lobby other members of the party’s executive committee. Mumtaz was
responsible for reaching out to, and cultivating links with, youthful cadres.
Of these women, Zailah came closest to being regarded as an ustazah.
In Malaysia, the gure of the ustazah is associated with a caring, motherly
approach toward those who seek her knowledge and guidance. I observed
the close connection between this understanding of religious authority
and the personal relations that Zailah—or Kak Lah (‘Older Sister Lah’),
as she is a ectionately known—maintains both with ordinary people in

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