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Women in Malaysian Islamist Politics                         181

                     It would be wrong to categorize this styling, uncritically, as ‘traditionally’
                  Malay, even though this is a view often heard in Malaysia. In a brilliant
                  discussion of ethnographic materials she and other scholars have collected over
                  time, Patricia Sloane-White shows that, for a long time, rural Malay women
                  were able to subvert patriarchal norms through strategies like bantering and
                  ridiculing men. In recent years, this ability to speak out and bend o cial
                  gender norms has been, quite literally, ‘silenced’ as the result of an increasingly
                  conservative and dominant interpretation of Islamic law as a guiding principle
                  in everyday life (Sloane-White 2017: 113–21). Female popular preachers, my
                  own research shows, are among the main exemplars of this new pious persona,
                  that is, of women who are ‘gentle’ (halus), not ‘crude’ (kasar), and who are
                  patient, caring, and restrained. Politicians in PAS and Amanah, belonging to
                  the same generation and speaking partly to the same audiences, need to respond
                  to this modern culture of cultivating a ‘soft’ and subdued public presence.
                     Let me add some nuance.  e transformation of the subversive rural ‘Malay’
                  woman into the subdued urban ‘Muslim’ woman should not be understood
                  in terms of religious interpretation only. It also results, as Sloane-White’s work
                  suggests, from the fact that women have moved, gradually and successfully,
                  from the domestic spheres of village and family to the (semi-)public spheres of
                  salaried work, associational life, business, and politics.  e transformation is
                  contingent, in other words, on both the ‘feminization’ and the ‘Islamization’
                  of the public sphere in Malaysia (Kloos 2019: 166–8). Secondly, this shift
                  does not mean that the subversive potential of Malay womanhood has entirely
                  disappeared.  e generally masculine world of politics is an example of a sphere
                  in which it still thrives. Ordinary voters, assistants, members of their entourages,
                  and other politicians described Mariah and Zailah as fearless, upfront, con dent
                  to speak in public and with men, and—particularly Zailah—as ‘loud’. I was
                  also told, on multiple occasions, that their performances were ‘untypical’ for
                  Malay women (a euphemism, perhaps, for ‘inappropriate’). A young man in
                  the PAS communications o ce in Kota Bharu impressed on me the corporeal
                  aspects of this, particularly in the minds of men. In characterizing Zailah, he
                  praised her strength, energy and commitment, referring several times, in a chat
                  that lasted less than ten minutes, to her ‘big body’ (tubuh besar). ‘Look’, he
                  said, grabbing my shoulders and giving me a good shaking, ‘you’re just small!’
                     In GE14 both PAS and Amanah continued the trend of  elding women
                  professionals. Returning to the  recent  election, I  will  examine two  speci c
                  moments, in two di erent campaigns, that manifested the tension between this
                  strategy and the dissemination of conservative ideals of Malay womanhood.
                  I concentrate on campaigns in socially and demographically unfavourable






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