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186                                                     David Kloos

                  used for visits to sacred graves and other religious sites).  ese visits were an
                  important element in her team’s e orts to win over fence-sitters and to build
                  her image, or ‘personality’ (personaliti), as some campaigners call it.  e team
                  struggled, however, to combine the stando sh expert and caring  gure in the
                  same image. ‘In the village’, assistants told her, it was important to ‘try and
                  touch people’.  us, she spoke little about party or policy and concentrated
                  instead on listening to people’s concerns. She also brought stethoscope,
                  sphygmomanometer, and packets of medication so she could combine these
                  conversations with brief medical examinations.  While I saw something
                  decidedly touching about these encounters, the obvious challenge was to make
                  the whole thing look genuine. Ha dzah found it tiring, she confessed to me
                  between houses. While she believed both gender and profession worked to
                  her advantage (‘I’m used to house calls, so this is like a second nature to me’),
                  it was also clear that she was more comfortable giving speeches than ‘doing
                  ziarah’.  e campaign leader told me this was the only area—‘whom to speak
                  to, what to say, how to behave’—in which she really needed their advice.
                      at awkwardness brings me back to the ironies implicated in women’s
                  candidacies. As noted, for PAS and Amanah,  elding women professionals
                  kills two birds with one stone. It engages party members and voters critical of
                  overly conservative interpretations, but it is also partly a branding exercise, a
                  way to show that these parties are inclusive with regard to gender and secular
                  education.  at merely symbolic aspect helps to explain these women’s often
                  unpropitious placements and approaches. Dr  Rosni Adam, for instance,
                  although second in rank in Muslimat PAS, was  elded in an area of downtown
                  Kuala Lumpur where the composition of the population left PAS little chance
                  of winning, regardless of candidate. Amanah’s Dr Ha dzah Mustakim,
                  perhaps the most vocal candidate when it came to the need to strengthen the
                  role of women in politics, campaigned in a place where religion was deemed
                  important, yet to maximize the contrast between her and a competitor known
                  for her outward piety, she de-emphasized her own religious knowledge,
                  which  is  actually  impressive.  Also  ironic  is  the  tendency  in  Malaysia,  not
                  exclusive to PAS and Amanah, to have women compete against women.
                  While a female elected representative thus becomes the certain outcome in
                  some constituencies, it also means that capable women eliminate each other.
                  According to some of my interlocutors, this tendency is a problem because
                  it decreases women’s opportunities to change people’s perceptions and the
                  electoral landscape by showing that they can take on, and defeat, men. As one
                  of Ha dzah’s assistants told me—surprisingly, because following on a brutal
                  critique of their competitor Rohani’s sugary image and ‘lack of vision’—
                   elding women against women ‘is just a bloody waste’.





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