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194                                                   Hew Wai Weng

                  loaded concepts, this chapter uses them mainly to compare PAS and PH’s
                  social and political engagements, given that Muslims from both sides of the
                  divide might share certain conservative moral viewpoints.
                     To illustrate the competition between these visions of political Islam, this
                  chapter focuses on the election campaign in the state seat of Sungai Ramal
                  (also known as Bangi, as the constituency was called until 2018). Sungai
                  Ramal, a seat with more than 80 per cent Malay voters, is not representative
                  of other seats in the Klang Valley, but it serves as an apt indicator to examine
                  voting patterns among urban Malay-Muslims, especially those who see Islam
                  as one of their key voting considerations.  is chapter draws upon extensive
                   eldwork during the election campaign in Bangi and, to a lesser extent, nearby
                  Shah Alam, including talking to various actors (election candidates, party
                  members, campaign activists, NGO leaders, and ordinary voters), following
                  election campaigns, attending ceramah (talks), as well as observing discussions
                  on social-media platforms such as WhatsApp and Facebook. It builds upon
                  my ongoing research on the cultural politics of urban middle-class Muslims
                  in Malaysia and Indonesia, in which Bangi is one of the key research sites. In
                  this chapter, I  rst outline the key actors articulating visions of political Islam
                  during GE14, including political parties, Muslim organisations, and popular
                  preachers. Second, I describe electoral dynamics and election campaigns in
                  Bangi, exploring how PAS and Amanah, together with the aforementioned
                  actors, competed against each other to win over urban Malay support. Lastly,
                  drawing on the election results, I analyse the ongoing transformation of
                  political Islam and how such changes contributed to PH’s winning the election.
                  I brie y point out some post-election developments to show how competition
                  for Muslim votes will continue to shape and be shaped by Malaysian politics.


                  Articulating Political Islam

                  At present, there are  ve main Malay-majority parties in Malaysia: UMNO,
                  PAS, Amanah, Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR, People’s Justice Party, a Malay-
                  majority multiethnic party) and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu,
                  Malaysian United Indigenous Party, a splinter party from UMNO). In
                  GE14, these  ve parties competed against each other under three main
                  coalitions—the UMNO-dominated Barisan Nasional (BN, National Front),
                  PAS-dominated Gagasan Sejahtera (GS, Ideas of Prosperity), and PH, which
                  includes PKR, Amanah, Bersatu, and the Democratic Action Party (DAP, a
                  Chinese-majority multiethnic party). Both PAS and Amanah openly claim
                  the label, ‘Islamic party’, yet there are also elements of Islamism in PKR,






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