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206                                                   Hew Wai Weng

                  Hence, PAS still has considerable in uence among urban Malays in the Klang
                  Valley.  erefore, it might be premature to conclude that PAS is only a regional
                  party with in uence in the east coast and northern states.


                  Political Islam Contested
                  Many analysists have emphasized the role of Mahathir Mohamad in triggering
                  a ‘Malay tsunami’—a swing among UMNO supporters, especially those in
                  rural areas, towards PH. However, few of them have paid attention to the roles
                  of PH component parties and their allies in Muslim organisations in using
                  Islamic messages, albeit more inclusive ones, to convince urban Malay voters
                  to choose PH instead of PAS. As the GE14 results indicated, both PAS’s and
                  PH’s visions of political Islam have their followers and are well-represented
                  in parliament. PAS won 18 parliamentary seats, most of them in Kelantan,
                  Terengganu, and Kedah, while Amanah secured 11, more than half of them
                  in Selangor.  e element of political Islam in the winning PH coalition is
                  salient also in component parties PKR and Bersatu, since there are ABIM and
                  IKRAM leaders in both parties. Capitalising on the aura of the well-respected
                  Nik Aziz through the endorsement of his eldest son, Nik Omar, has also given
                  PH ‘religious credentials’.  erefore, this chapter challenges the perception
                  that only PAS voters constitute a ‘moral constituency’ (Nambiar 2018), by
                  showing that Malay-Muslims in the Klang Valley are not less ‘Islamic’ than
                  those in the east-coast states just because many of them did not vote for PAS.
                  Moreover, as noted above, despite not being able to win seats such as Sungai
                  Ramal, PAS managed to keep its hardcore base intact, securing signi cant
                  Malay support in these areas.
                     To conclude, the GE14 results re ect the enduring in uence of PAS.
                   e party remains a key player in political Islam in Malaysia.  Yet at the
                  same time, PH has also o ered a viable ‘Islamic alternative’ for urban Malay
                  voters. Relevant actors have realigned in pursuit of distinct Islamic agendas,
                  hoping to win Malay-Muslim support, with the camp that PAS anchors
                  more exclusive and conservative-inclined, and the one PH anchors more
                  inclusive and progressively inclined. Such struggles around political Islam
                  continue as ordinary Muslims from various backgrounds engage, and through
                  interactions with non-Muslims. Initial post-GE14 developments indicate that
                  the competition over Muslim votes will continue to shape and be shaped by
                  political developments and religious discourses in Malaysia. For instance,
                  Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad has stated his intention to revamp Islamic
                  administration, while Minister in the Prime Minister O ce (Religious A airs)






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