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214                                                 Wong Chin Huat

                  delimitation exercises in 1974, 1977, 1984, 1987, 1994, 1996, 2003, 2005,
                  2015, and 2016 (Table 11.2). Instead of moving seats from demographically
                  shrinking states to expanding ones, which might invite backlash from a ected
                  incumbents, seats were added to all states over time. Increasing the number
                  of seats served both to overrepresent BN’s stronghold states and to maintain
                  coalitional unity in BN by creating tailor-made constituencies suitable for its
                  component parties to contest.  For instance, in 2003, of 20 seats added in
                                           6
                  West Malaysia, over-represented Pahang gained three while under-represented
                  Selangor gained only  ve (Table 11.3). 7
                      e distorted allocation of parliamentary seats avoided parliamentary
                  scrutiny and public backlash because the Election Commission (EC) put the
                  cart before the horse,  rst proposing new boundaries based on a new number
                  of seats and only then getting Parliament to amend Article 46. In the 2003
                  review, for instance, the EC’s  rst proposal, on 8 August 2002, added 20 extra
                  seats to West Malaysia. Its  nal proposal was approved on 8 April 2003 but
                  amendment to Article 46 was only passed on 19 June 2003 and came into
                  force on 14 August. From August 2002 until August 2003, Article 46 provided
                  for only 145 parliamentary seats for West Malaysia (including Putrajaya), yet
                  the EC’s proposals carved out 165 parliamentary constituencies (Table 11.4).
                     Even after the BN lost its two-thirds parliamentary majority in 2008, and
                  hence the ability to amend the constitution at will, the EC tried to continue
                  this unconstitutional practice by lobbying the opposition (Shahanaz 2014;
                  Lakshana 2014). Electoral-reform movement Bersih 2.0, however, warned the
                  EC that it would challenge such practices in court (Melati 2014).  e EC
                  conceded, as Sabah and Sarawak  rst amended their state constitutions to
                  increase state-legislature seats before commencing the delimitation process.


                  Malpractice 2: Intra-state Malapportionment

                   e 1973 constitutional amendment paved the way for uninhibited intra-
                  state malapportionment.  e amendment emasculated section 2(c) of the
                   irteenth Schedule of the Federal Constitution by leaving only the clause,
                  ‘the  number of  electors within  each constituency in a  State  ought  to be
                  approximately equal’ and removing another clause which allowed that ‘in
                  some cases a rural constituency may contain as little as one half of the electors
                  of any urban constituency’.  at phrasing shields the EC from legal action if
                  the ratio of voters between the largest and smallest constituencies exceeds two.
                   e EC, however, has exploited that change by interpreting any electorate
                  sizes as ‘approximately equal’ in its proposals. For the 2003–05 delimitation






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