Page 95 - Towards_a_New_Malaysia_The_2018_Election_and_Its_6146371_(z-lib.org)
P. 95
80 Helen Ting Mu Hung
Notes
1 Known as peninsular Malaysia or West Malaysia after it joined with Sarawak, Sabah,
and Singapore to form Malaysia in 1963.
2 MCA and MIC changed the word ‘Malayan’ to ‘Malaysian’ after the formation of
Malaysia.
3 Keadilan was renamed Parti Keadilan Rakyat in 2003, after merging with Parti Rakyat
Malaysia.
4 is chapter con nes its analysis to peninsular Malaysia, due to the fact that the
analytical framework applied here does not work in Sabah and Sarawak, both of which
have much more complex ethnic compositions and uid electoral dynamics than
peninsular Malaysia. In addition, there are no strictly race-based political parties there
in terms of membership, even though UMNO had established a strong grassroots
presence in Sabah.
5 Unless stated otherwise, the tables are computed by the author from raw data, using
Excel. e author wishes to express her appreciation to Wong Chin Huat and Kenneth
Cheng of Penang Institute for kindly providing election data for 2004, 2008, and 2018.
Data on the ethnic composition of constituencies in 2004 come from undi.info. 2018
data were compiled by Kenneth Cheng from https://election.thestar.com.my/.
6 is was partly due to the last-minute withdrawal of Parti Bersatu Sabah from the
BN, depriving the BN of the opportunity to contest in 14 seats in Sabah (SIRD 2000).
7 In all tables that compute the ethnic distribution of electoral support for speci c
parties or coalitions, the percentages of electoral support listed are per the total number
of ballots issued.
8 e MCA’s share of parliamentary seats was actually larger in 1995, as the 30 seats it
then held were out of a total of only 144 seats (Table 4.1).
9 DAP’s performance improved slightly in 40–60 per cent Malay seats, from winning
3 out of 6 contested in 2013 to 7 out of 8 contested in 2018. Nonetheless, some of the
candidates may have been incumbents in locations the ethnic pro le of which changed
due to migration or the delineation exercise.
10 e 27 seats with 90 per cent or more Malay voters had an average turnout rate
of 82.4 per cent. e average turnout rate in the 4 seats with more than 80 per cent
Chinese voters (no seats top 90 per cent Chinese in West Malaysia) was 82.2 per cent.
e two gures are near enough to justify the assumption of equal turnout rates across
ethnic groups.
11 As the extent of Malay support is computed here by deducting the share of non-
Malay supporters from the total vote the candidate obtained, setting the Indian support
rate at 75 per cent rather than 70 per cent would give a lower estimate of Malay support
for DAP. is rough estimate is not able to account for the variation in Chinese and
Indian support rates in di erent constituencies, which is clear from the last column of
Table 4.12.
12 e equations for the calculation of the proportion of Malay voters supporting,
respectively, a DAP and MCA candidate are: [tv DAP – (95% x v% Chinese x tvc) – (75% x
v% Indian x tvc)] / v% Malay x tvc; and [tv MCA – (5% x v% Chinese x tvc) – (25% x v% Indian x tvc)]
This content downloaded from 139.80.253.0 on Fri, 06 Nov 2020 04:21:59 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

