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234 Wong Chin Huat

minority winners in as high as 87.5 per cent of seats in the three borderline
states, 50 per cent in Kelantan and Terengganu, and 46 per cent in Sabah (not
shown in the table). is result could be due to voters’ failure to predict the
top two candidates to whom to channel their support. If voters can see more
clearly in future elections, PAS may be wiped out in the southwest and PH,
in the northeast.

Table 11.14 Emerging regional two-party systems, by votes and seats, in
2018 parliamentary contests
Region First bloc Second bloc ird bloc
Kelantan and PAS BN PH
Terengganu V: 48.70% V: 39.76% V: 11.17%
(95% Malay) S: 68.18% (15) S: 31.82% (7) S: 0.00% (0)
Perlis, Kedah, and BN PH PAS
Pahang V: 35.68% V: 35.59% V: 28.64%
(76% Malay) S: 40.63% (13) S: 50.00% (16) S: 9.38% (3)
Remaining states of PH BN PAS
West Malaysia V: 58.88% V: 28.98% V: 11.44%
(50% Malay) S: 70.27% (78) S: 28.83% (32) S: 0.00% (0)
Sabah (including PH BN –
Labuan) V: 49.30% V: 40.00%
S: 53.85% (14) S: 42.31% (11)
Sarawak BN PH –
V: 52.48% V: 43.37%
S: 61.29% (19) S: 32.26% (10)

e most important post-election development, however, turns out to be
UMNO and PAS’s formalising their alliance to take on PH, which they allege
has fallen under the control of DAP and the Chinese. Bitter rivals for nearly
four decades from 1977 to 2015, the two Malay-Muslim opposition parties
now zealously champion Malay-Muslim unity, in the name of defending Islam,
the Malays’ special position, the Malay Rulers, and the Malay language (Wong
forthcoming). is strategy would normally seem suicidal: an ultra-Malay-
Muslim position will alienate both non-Malays, who constitute one-third of
voters in 87 of 165 constituencies in West Malaysia, and East Malaysians in
another 57 seats. Even if UMNO and PAS won all the remaining 78 Malay-
majority constituencies in West Malaysia, they still could not form the
government. is reasoning, though, disregards UMNO’s rst priority now:

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